Who owns Marco Rubio (07/08/2013)

Much praise has been unjustly bestowed on Marco Rubio for his supposed contributions towards immigration policy. However, Rubio's actual stance on poor people, the Mexican diaspora, and immigration generally is unclear at best.

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Erika Mayte Martinez, Ricardo Lezama (07/08/2013) -- Much praise has been unjustly bestowed on Marco Rubio for his supposed contributions towards immigration policy. However, Rubio's actual stance on poor people, the Mexican diaspora, and immigration generally is unclear at best.

In this review of Marco Rubio's political donors, we factor out retired and conservative donors, because it doesn't specify their previous employment and, thus, does not give us an idea of how to track their influence on his policy stances. Rubio's donor demographics say more about his political stances than his actual media output. This partial list of his major individual/industry contributors from the Center for Responsive Politics show his main contributors.

(1)Securities and Investment Sector

(2)Real Estate

(3)Insurance, Healthcare and Lawyer/Law Firms.

At an individual level, Rubio's donations come from well-placed professionals whose day to day concerns are taxes, government regulation and acquiring cheap labor and land. This basically implies Rubio is not 'a man of the people' but emphasizes his immigrant background to appear as such.

One fact was quite telling: general contractors were significant donors, donating $368,615 to Rubio. Many Mexican laborers and resident subcontractors working in the construction sector will attest to illegal and immoral demands general contractors impose over them. Additionally, MCM Corp, a large construction LLC donated $58,400. Again, quite a different picture of his political base than what Univision would have you believe about our Cuban-American politician.

Finally, Rubio's contributors also include people with a stake in defense spending. These individuals gave Rubio $164,501 over a five year period. These business interests have a direct stake in a militarized immigration program. A Rubio bid for president would surely require more investment from these individuals. In other words, we can expect a more extremist stance on border policy with Mexico.

This leads us to reflect on the following dynamic. When immigrant labor is marginalized, farm bosses can use and abuse vulnerable people fleeing the effects of NAFTA and CAFTA. When migrants make their way through the border, they will face electronic apparatuses erected by unscrupulous defense contractors who benefit from fanning racist sentiment against an open-border policy. Europe's sensible economic and social integration has only led to reduced tensions among its people and, in general, has led to better livelihoods. Why not pursue this type of integration between the U.S. and Mexico?

The answer, we think, lies in the profit motive for maintaining a stalemate on immigration policy. Employers throughout the U.S. have to find the right shade of illegality under which to control immigrant labor: immigration laws cannot be too highly enforced because the fines levied on them become too high, productivity and profits too low, and reductions in labor costs too infrequent. At the same time, almost paradoxically, these laws cannot be too lenient because an immigrant with a high degree of freedom becomes more difficult to control in the workplace. Rubio supports this legal limbo for Mexican, Salvadoran, and Guatemalan people through the campaign financing he accepts and platform he subsequently adopts. All his moves are for his donors and quite against comprehensive immigration reform (CIR).

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